The
first thing to recognise – and recognise publicly – is that the
Prime Minister of India had precious little to do with the two
cabinet appointments that all Indians are talking about. Congress
spokespersons have been telling sceptics that it is the Prime
Minister's prerogative to appoint cabinet ministers. Well, not in
India in its current phase of politics. And every child knows it,
including Congress spokespersons.
Given
the self-focus of those who govern our country, no one expected
anything inspiring from the long-predicted cabinet reshuffle. But no
one expected a slap in the face either. Picking Sushilkumar Shinde
for promotion from Power Minister to Home Minister was damaging
enough as an idea. Its timing made it an affront to the people.
Under his auspices, the nation faced its biggest ever power breakdown
plunging 300 million people into darkness. The next day a bigger
breakdown occurred affecting 600 million people. Precisely in that
dark hour, he was relieved of his burden and elevated to Home. Just
when a minister flops, give him a promotion. A strange logic that
begs questions.
Why
did not the Supreme Power wait for a week so that the people would at
least not feel offended? Because the Supreme Power does not care
what the people feel. Why Shinde? Because his appointment would
carry two messages. First, that Home is a portfolio that the Supreme
Power wants to be closely guarded by The Faithful. Second, that
Shinde ranking high among The Faithful is all that counts. The
country's interests? That's secondary.
Let's
not make the mistake of thinking that this was a chance appointment.
Actually, there is a method in this madness. Remember the
best-dressed man in Indian politics, Shivraj Patil? As a prominent
member of The Faithful, he was given Home earlier. The result was
disaster. Terrorist sleeper cells sprouted across the country,
Indian Mujahideen appeared on the scene, Maoists gained ground, the
professionals in the security establishment raised warning signals.
Even political circles expressed doubts about the competence level of
the Minister. Nothing mattered. The Minister's suits remained
immaculate and the Supreme Power happy. Then 26/11 happened. Finally
the man had to be kicked upstairs and P. Chidambaram brought in. Home
is now back in safely incompetent, and safely faithful, hands.
Chidambaram,
one of the smartest operators in politics, handled 50 percent of the
Home Ministry with efficiency. He identified problem areas, took
corrective steps, improved the morale of the professionals. But he
fumbled with the other 50 percent. He made the Maoist problem worse
by failing to see the difference between them and Pakistan-backed
Mujahideens. He was insensitive in handling Kashmir and the
Northeast. He was crude and counterproductive in the way he tackled
the Anna Hazare movement. His success was that he had secured his
place among The Faithful. So he could get away with his faultlines.
That also explains his return to Finance from where he had given rise
to allegations of malfeasance. As Finance Minister he will perhaps
perform better than he did as Home Minister, but what will happen to
issues like the 2-G spectrum case?
The
overriding factor that stares the nation in the face is the ruling
clique's indifference to the real problems facing the people and to
anything like a longterm view of things. Typical is the treatment
meted out to the Power ministry in the latest shuffle. Poor
infrastructure is recognised as one of the major roadblocks in the
way of economic growth and investment. This makes Power a key
portfolio, but the Congress party could not find a capable minister
to handle it on a fulltime basis. It has simply put it as “additional
charge” on Veerappa Moily's head which is already occupied by the
Corporate Affairs ministry.
Look
at it anyway, the ruling group is anything but serious about ruling.
There is no accountability, no logic, no understanding of the
country's needs, no empathy with the people. There is only one
fixation: Ensuring the security and interests of the Supreme Power.